18 [22] In light of the benefits from EU membership that Scotland and Catalonia enjoy, but also because the EU has focused on the concept of A Europe of Regions, elites in both regions tend to see the EU as an ally and supporter of their demands. In addition, it is important to point out that the discussion on EU membership plays a much more prominent role in daily discourses amongst Catalans. For the SNP, the CAP is an important, if not essential, benefit of EU membership because it provides a significant amount of vital funding for Scotlands agricultural industries. [64] In highlighting the economic benefits of EU membership, the Scottish and Catalan movements paint the EU in a positive light, not only a desired ally, but fundamental to securing a more prosperous and economically successful independent state. In fact, it provided a framework which not only made Scottish statehood more viable, but moreover accorded economic safeguards, as well as increased political influence for Scotland at European decision making level. There are a number of reasons for this. In other words, the demands of minority nations and their party political agents do not remain fixed, but may in fact change, evolve and grow over time. [56] The Catalan secessionist movement gives considerable weight to discussions of the economic viability of an independent Catalonia, yet place such discussions within the wider EU framework. For both regions, the EU provides them with an economic framework which helps remove the negative connotations often associated with secession. [34] Resultantly, in 1975 the SNP campaigned against continued membership of the European Economic Community (EEC) the precursor to the EUyet majorities in all constituent nations of the UK voted in favour of remaining in the EEC. Reference to, and focus on, EU membership is at the crux of many arguments concerning the benefits of independent statehood. In the aftermath of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) Catalonia, and minority nationalism more generally, was a bte noire of the victorious Franco regime. Through the coding exercise carried out in this article, several different, yet often interrelated, strands were identified. The Scottish White Paper states [u]sing Sterling will provide continuity and certainty for business and individuals,[61] a premise also found in the Catalan White Paper which attests the euro gives legal certainty to companies business transactions. Both ERC and CDC (as well as other parties such as UDC), however, continue to enthusiastically embrace European integration, including processes of deeper integration and increased influence for regions (CDC) and support for a confederal Europe (ERC). [42] Consequently, Catalonia has religiously seen itself as more advanced than Spain as a whole, and this economic, social and political confidence has helped cement a sense of Catalan identity. [53] This emphasis on access to the worlds largest single market, support for Scottish industries (particularly the whisky industry) and employment opportunities, lends credence to the economic safety net hypothesis mentioned earlier. The SNP posits that leaving the EU would be hugely detrimental, jeopardising trade negotiations and risking jobs, with deeply damaging consequences for our citizens and our economy. In detailing the evolution of the secessionist movements, and the main political parties involved in these processes, we see, in both cases, positive and pragmatic engagement with the issue of EU membership. The document advocates independence in Europe so that Catalonia would be able to directly defend, at a European level, the interests of farmers and Catalonias agricultural industry. 34 In so doing, the secessionist movements not only emphasise why the EU is beneficial to smaller countries, but equally seek to soften the negative perceptions of secession. [69] Here, the SNP contrasts its positive attitude towards the EU with the historical image of the UK as an awkward Member State. Moreover, processes of industrialisation and modernisation developed much more quickly in Catalonia than the rest of Spain; by the beginning of the twentieth century Catalonia was the most dynamic centre of industrial and cultural power in Spain. [65] For the Catalan secessionist movement, independence would mean permanent representation for Catalonia at the European Union level which would enable Catalan representatives to defend the interests of Catalonia before the European Union. [4] The November 2015 regional elections were thus framed as a plebiscite on Catalan independence. The discovery of oil reserves off the coast of the North Sea in the 1970s as well as vehement opposition to the perceived anti-Scottish Thatcher governments in Westminster (1979-1991), fuelled the growth of Scottish nationalism and helped augment SNP support. This evolution, however, is not linear. Following the referendum, the SNP reviewed its position on EEC membership and party figures such as Alex Salmond, Jim Sillars and Winnie Ewing were instrumental in shifting the partys opinion on the EU. The party, for example, opposes a referendum on Britain leaving the EU, arguing that a vote to leave would pose a serious threat to the economic prosperity of Scotland. Whereas the Scottish nationalist movement was overtly sceptical of European integration and how Scottish demands would be represented at the European level, the Catalans have long regarded themselves as pro-European, committed to deeper integration and a wider framework for regional actors. Whilst it is a truism that power has been largely concentrated at the centre, the UK developed as a union-state, whereby the constituent nations despite joining together in a Union, retained their own distinctiveness. 3
Resultantly, states have been reconfigured in order to address minority nationalist demands for self-determination and autonomy. The factious division of party members between the gradualist and fundamentalist wings impeded the articulation of a nationalist stance. As a result, we did not analyse any texts specific to CUP. [10] This article, through analysing a number of documents produced by the Scottish and Catalan secessionist movements, examines the role of the EU vis--vis Scottish and Catalan independence.
[7]. Representatives of minority nations do not always request more autonomy, and the introduction of federal and devolved structures does not have to result in state dissolution or secession. The Catalan nationalist movement, in contradistinction to Scotland, has always been an ardent supporter of the EU, its precursors, and European integration. Second, the EU helps bolster the economic arguments of the secessionist movements, helping to reduce concerns surrounding the establishment of an independent state. Keating writes, for instance, that the Catalans have long considered themselves more European than other Spanish regions,[47] substantiated by Dowling, who notes that even during the Franco era, the Catalan elites sought a Europeanised Catalonia. [52] Instead, the party promotes continued membership, drawing upon the economic benefits it believes the EU brings. The road to Scottish devolution has been a turbulent journey for most political parties in Scotland. Funds such as the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and Structural funds have financially helped the regions in several ambits, particularly agriculture. 22 To that end, the incumbent governmenta coalition between the aforementioned partiesis using its most recent electoral results as a mandate to initiate a unilateral secession from Spain. [39] Consequently, during the transition to democracy following the death of Franco in 1975, political decentralisation for the historical territories (the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia) and democratic rule became mutually reinforcing. [11] We find that EU membership is at the crux of many arguments of both movements, promoted as a framework which provides a number of benefits, including access to markets and direct representation in elite discussions. As the analysis below demonstrates, both movements view the EU as a pivotal dynamic in their independence projects and emphasise the strengths of the Union in order to present a positive case for (continued) membership as independent states. In advocating the economic benefits of the Union, the SNP demonstrates that there is an existing economic support framework which would continue to benefit Scotland (and more so) as an independent country. Cette publication est la plus rcente de l'auteur sur Cairn.info. Here, as in the case with the agricultural issue, emphasis is on Catalonia having its own voice in order to defend its own interests. Franco pursued unbending and repressive policies which sought the complete eradication of Catalan institutions, language and identity from public life. 29 [29] Since the 1970s, the gradualist position has prevailed. [26]. The Catalan documents, therefore, advance a much stronger European argument regarding the economy, including the will to fulfil all the requirements established by the EU. Consequently, in 1988, the party adopted Independence in Europe as official party policy and it has remained the cornerstone of the SNPs independence strategy ever since. EU membership is the centrepiece of both the Scottish and Catalan secessionist movements, although not all pro-secessionist parties in Catalonia advocate continued membership. The EU, therefore, is seen as playing an important role in terms of affording opportunities for political representation at the supranational level. [73] Indeed, the White Paper posits that being at the top table will transform Scotlands place in Europe. Aujourdhui, Cairn diffuse plus de 400 000 articles de revues et en ajoute 2 500 nouveaux tous les mois. From the table above, we see that the EU was mentioned more times in the Scottish White Paper, yet when the lengths of the documents are compared (Scotland: 670 pages, Catalonia: 141 pages), it become evident that in the Catalan White Paper there has been more emphasis placed on EU membership. [50]. In the case of Scotland, we analysed the Scottish Governments White Paper on independence, Stuart Elden Contingent Sovereignty, Territorial Integrity and the Sanctity of Borders,, David S. Siroky, Explaining Secession in. In most Western democracies, there has been an acknowledgement that minority nations should be recognised and able to exercise self-governance in areas which directly affect them. Interview with an adviser to the Catalan government, Barcelona, April 2014. Economically, the EU is presented as an institutional arrangement which brings a number of benefits to smaller countries, including access to markets, influence in decision-making processes and economic and fiscal protection in an increasingly globalised and fiscally volatile environment. [40], 15 First, independence in Europe appeared to lessen the risks of secession and helped to assuage the negative perceptions surrounding EU membership. The Cases of Scotland and Catalonia, The Evolution of Scottish and Catalan Nationalism. It could be argued that continued membership in the EU, the focus on currency continuity, and the willingness to work with other European states all highlight that contemporary minority nationalism is not ethnic and exclusive, but inclusive and cosmopolitan. [68] Instead, the SNP proposes playing a full and constructive role in the EU, advancing Scottish interests, whilst concomitantly helping to develop the European project. The idea of having a separate and independent voice is also found in the SNPs White Paper. The unequivocal raison dtre of the SNP is sovereign statehood for Scotland, yet over the years this policy has evolved: from dominion status in the empire to support for a British confederation to the current policy of independence in Europe. The White Paper details the economic benefits of remaining a Member State of the EU whilst also pointing out the benefits Catalonia brings to the Union: 26 16 This is partly because of Spains resistance to engage in a meaningful dialogue with Catalonia on independence, so that the EU is seen as an ally (against the Spanish) and also as a framework in which Catalan independence can be facilitated. 27 A large segment of those supporting Catalan independence only do so, if independence would ensure continued Catalan membership in the EU. Kymlicka argues that territorial autonomy provides minority nations with institutional mechanisms and decision-making powers that ultimately prepare them for independent statehood. 
