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1. Adam Jones (London: Routledge, 2012), 153168. 10. Thank you, David Horovitz, Founding Editor of The Times of Israel. Under Nicolae Ceausescu they were subjected to a cruel policy of forceful assimilation. Mark Mazowers earlier work on Greece pioneered this direction. Occasionally the digitization process introduces transcription errors or other problems; we are continuing to work to improve these archived versions. Helen Fein (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), 162181. Piotr Wandyczs important study, The Price of Freedom, demonstrates the contrast between the potential inherent in studying Subcarpathian Rus' and its neglect. See Holly Case, The Holocaust and the Transylvanian Question in the Twentieth Century, in The Holocaust in Hungary: Sixty Years Later, ed. Partly for economic reasons, Antonescu decided to spare an estimated 290,000 Jews in Old Romania and he quasi-facilitated the emigration of 5,000 Jews to Palestine for a large fee. . chap. The multilayered mass violence that descended on the inhabitants of the towns and villages in the mountains and on the slopes of the Carpathians changed their social fabric. We did receive potentially valuable information in at least one case of a person who allegedly participated in the mass murder of Jews in Odessa, said Zuroff, referring to the Simon Wiesenthal Centers Operation Last Chance effort to bring Holocaust perpetrators to justice. 1, History, Language, and Groups (Basel: Schwabe, 2004), xxviii, 45, 7, 9599, 429, 442445, 447, 448450, 503, and 507508. Iasis residents helped arrest Jews and loot their homes, as well as humiliate Jews marched out of town.

First, it addresses mostly Budapest and the provinces within the Trianon borders, reflecting thereby a more general tendency in scholarship on the history of Jews in Hungary.57 Tim Coles Traces of the Holocaust, an influential contribution in the field, is a social history with eye-opening insights. In two stages, in November 1938 and March 1939, the Hungarian army occupied the region and crushed the autonomous Carpatho-Ukraine that existed during those few months within the Second Czecho-Slovak Republic. 29. Located in todays Ukraine, Bogdanovka was a series of camps called colonies in Romanian set up near a former Jewish collective farm on the Southern Bug River. The lands of Eastern Europeoften referred to somewhat vaguely as east-central Europe and central Europe1have attracted considerable scholarly attention since the end of World War II. 41. Subcarpathian Rus': Historical Background, Subcarpathian Rus',12 today the Transcarpathian (Zakarpats'ka) oblast in western Ukraine, is an eastern European borderland inhabited by a multiethnic and multireligious population (more multi in the past, but still so today), with a history replete with examples that show how peripheral societies face and respond to rapid national, military, economic, and social changes. The Romanian army was behind most of the countrys Holocaust massacres, contrasting with the later model of German-built death camps in occupied Poland. . Jews witnessed these killings; even if some of them wished to help their neighbors, they feared the consequencesand rightly so. Petersen, Understanding Ethnic Violence. 46. Yet a broad Europeaneven only eastern Europeanperspective suggests that such violence happened much less frequently than we imagine.42 Jews in Subcarpathian Rus' and in the other wartime border territories of Hungary suffered the violent demise of their worlds and lives with very little communal violence, if at all. Krptalja Teleplseinek Vallsi Adatai (18801941) (Budapest: Kzponti Statisztikai Hivatal, 2000), 1617. 26. This situation, because of the seclusion of the region until after World War I and the strength of local identities that transcended ethnic and religious divides, changed as Subcarpathian Rus' opened to the world around it. For a penetrating historiographical analysis arguing that a central trend among historians of Jews accounts for a wall between their field and the study of the Holocaust, see David Engel, Historians of the Jews and the Holocaust (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010). Also, the Hungarians could have focused international attention on the massacres of Transylvanian Hungarians by commemorating the anniversary of the Romanian pogroms. Taking a pause for Christmas, the massacre resumed three days later. 7: Thierry Devos, Lisa A. TimesMachine is an exclusive benefit for home delivery and digital subscribers.

Furthermore, although social psychologist Ervin Staub analyzed bystanders in genocide as active agents in The Roots of Evil (published in 1989),40 it took more than a decade for his ideas to spur additional explorations. As far as Holocaust denial and distortion is concerned, Romania has had a large share of both, as is typical in all the post-Communist new democracies of Eastern Europe, said Zuroff. Classic Readings in Philosophical Psychology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 3132. 3 (2013): 538568. This situation pertained to occupational choices, residential patterns, and, significantly, to popular religious worldviews anchored in beliefs about supernatural powers. Moving beyond accounts formed exclusively around national or ethnic groups and the limiting construct of the nation-state, Genocide in the Carpathians incorporates the perspectives and sources produced by the authorities of the states that governed the region and the people who lived there in the era of two global wars and shifting borders. By 1942, tens of thousands of Hungarians were fighting on the Eastern front.

. was about as important as discovering the facts and that this procedure of writing history points to possibilities that have not been fully realized by the historical profession. John-Paul Himka, Last Judgment Iconography in the Carpathians (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 34, 6, 10, 94, 140142, 194200. (Eduard Dolinsky). Building on historian Barbara Rosenweins programmatic essay on emotions in history48 and on Roger Petersens study of emotions in eastern Europe throughout the twentieth century,49 Genocide in the Carpathians discusses the meanings that Jews and Carpatho-Ruthenians attached to identities, social encounters, and shared memories, as they tried to make sense of political and social changes. The literary scholar Lawrence Langer contributed greatly to this discussion with his Holocaust Testimonies: The Ruins of Memory (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991). Randolph L. Braham and Chamberlain S. Brewster (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 1740; Krisztin Ungvry, Deportation, Population Exchange, and Certain Aspects of the Holocaust, in The Holocaust in Hungary: A European Perspective, ed. 11. Sabrina P. Ramet and Ola Listhaug (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 7091.

15. Debrah Dwork, however, pioneered the recording, collection, and use of oral histories of Holocaust survivors with her groundbreaking book Children with a Star: Jewish Youth in Nazi Europe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991). Saul Friedlnders Nazi Germany and the Jews, 19391945 (2007), a central and widely celebrated contribution in Holocaust scholarship of the last decade, exemplifies the perspective that separates the Holocaust from key events that affected non-Jews during World War II.29 In his introduction Friedlnder summarizes (not entirely accurately) important scholarly trends only to marginalize them and place them beyond his purview: The persecution and extermination of the Jews of Europe was but a secondary consequence of major German policies pursued toward entirely different goals. Before World War II, more than 750,000 Jews lived in Greater Romania. This broader perspective also underlines how the general term antisemitism actually blurs the Hungarian states anti-Jewish policies and actions by concealing the drive to renounce the claims of belonging of non-Magyars in Subcarpathian Rus'non-Jews as well as Jewsan essential goal in the planned transformation of the regions society and its integration into Greater Hungary., Finally, chapters 4 and 5 chart the demise of the relations between Jews and Carpatho-Ruthenians, which meant that, for the most part, they faced persecution and state violence apart. But actually, obviously, its all about Iran, Israeli govt said satisfied with reporter, TV networks apologies over Mecca trip, Israeli TV network scolded by Saudis, Israelis for defying Mecca ban on non-Muslims, In Budapest, an underground Gypsy music pub plays on Jewish heartstrings, One of the Hungarian capitals best-kept open secrets is Giero Pub, a small but charming basement venue with top-notch music and a tragic family history marred by the Holocaust, In My Name is Sara, Jewish girl survives the Holocaust by living as a Christian, The film, now playing at New Yorks Quad Cinema, is a dramatization of the true story of Sara Gralnik Shapiro, who disguised herself and worked for a family of Ukrainian farmers. Anyone can read what you share. Indeed, social psychologists Daniel Bar-Tal, Eran Halperin, and Joseph de Rivera have stressed that emotions constitute a central element of the human repertoire and that the study of their functioning is a prerequisite for the understanding of individual and collective behaviors. However, research on the role played by emotional climate and other collective emotions in conflicts and conflict resolution is only at its primary stages.45 Social psychologists Colin Leach and Larissa Tiedens have explained, more generally, that weaving together emotional experiences and expression with social relationships, the emotional is seen as very social and the social as very emotional.46 Recognizing the significance of emotions in the history we seek to understand, Alon Confino has observed that the persecution and extermination of the Jews was fueled by emotions, and all interpretations that avoid, deny, or ignore this are bound to miss a fundamental human element embedded in the event.47 As my critique of the terms antisemitism and bystanders drills down exactly on the human element, asking how Jews and Carpatho-Ruthenians lived together and drifted apart, work on the history and sociology of emotions affords a new lens to interpret these social dynamics. Lszl Karsai, a central figure in the study of the Holocaust in Hungary, has recently argued that Hungary served as a safe haven for Jews before March 1944 owing to a protective policy vis--vis the Jews [in which] humanitarian considerations played a role. See Lszl Karsai, The Jewish Policy of the Szlasi Regime, Yad Vashem Studies 40 (2012): 119156, 121. These concepts are so commonly invoked that scholars rarely define them.

Randolph L. Braham, The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary, 2 vols. Antisemitism was a feature of Romanian life for decades before the Holocaust, but the rise of fascism included a virulent strain of racial antisemitism. 56. Grounding the events and processes that we call the Holocaust in European contexts places them within discussions of modern genocides around the globe not as exceptional or paradigmatic points of reference but as integral parts of the political and social systems of the modern and late modern world. But far from settling matters, the Award exacerbated relations between Romania and Hungary, and on September 5, Hungarian troops, led by Mikls Horthy, stepped across the Trianon borders. Historian Tim Cole and, more recently, political scientist Ernesto Verdeja have shown the way by emphasizing the dynamic quality of the bystander position.41. 14. Yet although widening the lens to include such links would follow standard professional practice, histories of antisemitism have remained largely severed from such relevant contexts, reflecting the central role of the term in formulating both the history of Jews and the Holocaust within and beyond that history as unique. The structures were doused with kerosene and set on fire, killing everyone inside. And see the rather heated debate around the book, with critical reflections by Jrgen Matthus, Martin Shaw, Omer Bartov, Doris Bergen, and Donald Bloxhams response, in Review Forum, Journal of Genocide Research 13, no. For statistics and discussion on the number of victims of the Holocaust in Hungary see Braham, The Politics of Genocide, 2:12961300. 38. Five months after the Iasi pogrom, the Holocaust in Romania would reach a frenzied but largely forgotten climax at the Bogdanovka concentration camp. The integrated approach in this study, therefore, draws on scholarship in several fieldsthe histories of Hungary and Czechoslovakia, Holocaust history and genocide research, the history of Jews, and Ukrainian studies. This is a digitized version of an article from The Timess print archive, before the start of online publication in 1996. This work follows Paul Robert Magocsi, the foremost specialist on the history of the region and its Carpatho-Ruthenian population, in the choice of the name Subcarpathian Rus'. My narrative, then, looks at links and connections rather than comparisons, which have given rise to conceptual and methodological problems associated with the hierarchies created by the terms Holocaust, genocide, and ethnic cleansing.22 Thinking about the Holocaust as unique, using whatever word or rhetorical device, has overshadowed other processes and events in human history. Hungarians could also have invited foreign reporters last June for the 70th anniversary of the Treaty of Trianon, the worst dismemberment of any country that participated in World War I. Hungary lost 71 percent of its territory and 60 percent of its prewar population. Stone, Histories of the Holocaust, the latest large-scale survey of scholarship on the Holocaust, takes a German-centered perspective, also when discussing very briefly Hungary, Romania, and other Balkan states. Four competing interpretations have vied for supremacy since the second half of the nineteenth century: Russian, Ukrainian, Carpatho-Ruthenian, and Hungarian.13 Religion also divides Carpatho-Ruthenians; struggles between the Greek Catholic (Uniate) Church and the Orthodox Church punctuate the history of the region.14, The ethnic mosaic of the region prior to World War II consisted, in addition, of Magyars (ethnic Hungarians, 115,000, 15 percent) and Jews (100,000, 13 percent), as well as small numbers of Czechs, Slovaks, Romanians, Germans (Karpatendeutschen), and Roma.15 Romanians dominated in the southeastern part of the Hungarian county of Mramaros (Rumanian Maramure), most of which, south of the Tisza River, became part of Romania after World War I.

At least 125 Jews were murdered before Antonescu put a lid on the violence, but the genocide of Jews and Roma people accelerated that summer in Romanias newly acquired lands. During the 1930s,the newly independent Kingdom of Hungaryrelied on increased trade withFascist ItalyandNazi Germanyto pull itself out of the effects of theGreat Depression, and as a result, Hungarian politics and foreign policy became increasingly nationalistic. Their victims should not have to fear running into them while visiting Israel, The James Webb Telescope looks at the universe through the eyes of God, I dont know what to make of the fact that I was forged in starlight, that every bit of me has existed and will exist for all time, but I am filled with wonder, J Streets reaction to Lapid as prime minister: Crickets. This methodological observation holds true for the modern era as well. For as little as $6 a month you can help support our quality journalism while enjoying The Times of Israel AD-FREE, as well as accessing exclusive content available only to Times of Israel Community members. The resulting geography, however, remains fluid and unclear (which states or regions are included and whyand who decides?) In the aftermath of World War I many Germans left the region for Germany and Austria. But as the journalism we do is costly, we invite readers for whom The Times of Israel has become important to help support our work by joining The Times of Israel Community. David Engel, Away from a Definition of Antisemitism: An Essay in the Semantics of Historical Description, in Rethinking European Jewish History, ed. Alon Confino, Why Did the Nazis Burn the Hebrew Bible? The bibliography lists the collections of survivors testimonies used in this study. The borderlands of eastern Europe, however, have received limited treatment, and they remain under-researched or, as in the case of Subcarpathian Rus', almost completely neglected.2 One reason for this lacuna may lie in the use of the term borderland and the images associated with it, which have elicited both idyllic and demonized interpretations of societies that live in such regions.3 When used simply in a descriptive manner, however, the term need not raise preconceived notions that impede analytical clarity. 8. Randolph L. Braham and Attila Pk (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 305328; Frojimovics, I Have Been a Stranger in a Strange Land, 104134. This formulation draws on Sara Ahmed, The Cultural Politics of Emotions (New York: Routledge, 2004). Most of the Jews murdered by Romanians came from occupied Ukraine, as opposed to so-called Old Romania.. Something must be done now! ''These losses,'' wrote the British scholar C. A. Macartney in ''Hungary and Her Successors,'' ''were proportionately far greater than those inflicted on Germany and Bulgaria.''. Assuming a similar analytical lens, Genocide in the Carpathians draws on a diverse set of primary sources in Hungarian, Yiddish, Hebrew, and German, as well as Englishcorrespondence and reports of state authorities, personal documents such as letters and postcards, and postwar testimonies and memoirsto illuminate the social and political dynamics of multiethnic and multireligious Subcarpathian Rus' from the nineteenth century until immediately after World War II. 7. The end of World War I and the Trianon Treaty (1920), which took from Hungary two-thirds of its prewar territories and three-fifths of its population, set the stage for the emergence of a revisionist consensus in Hungary and the longing to establish a Greater Hungary with a marked Magyar majority.8 This vision entailed a multilayered attack against non-Magyars, first and foremost in the multiethnic and multireligious borderlandsnortheastern Hungary and Subcarpathian Rus', northern Transylvania, and Bcska and Baranya, which Hungary occupied from Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia, respectively, between November 1938 and April 1941 (map 2).9, The view of the state from the time of Hungarian rule before World War I sharpened in the turmoil of national defeat and humiliation, assuming exclusivist and violent dimensions. Hungary took northern Transylvania from Romania in August 1940, according to the Second Vienna Accord, and the Hungarian army entered the Dlvidkmostly the Bcska and Baranya regions in northern Yugoslaviaas it joined Nazi Germanys attack and dismemberment of Yugoslavia in April 1941. . These episodes included state-sponsored robbery, sporadic violence and uncoordinated expulsions, full-fledged deportations, and mass killings. In an effort to gain and secure communal power, both camps, along with Zionists Left and Right, threw themselves into the fray of a highly contentious scene in itself of local, regional, and national politics in Czechoslovakia. . The last twenty years, in particular, have seen the emergence of a large and diverse literature on that area of the world, ranging from social and political histories, to investigations of mass violence, to multidisciplinary analyses of literature and film.

Saul Friedlnder, Nazi Germany and the Jews, 19391945: The Years of Extermination (New York: HarperCollins, 2007). Find out more about Central European history in our newOn this Dayseries. Chapters 1 through 3 follow the lives of Jews and Carpatho-Ruthenians until World War II. It deals, however, almost exclusively with areas within the pre-1938 borders of Hungarythat is, before the occupation of the wartime border territories between November 1938 and April 1941but in the post-March 1944 period, even though around half of the approximately half-million victims of the Holocaust in Hungary had lived in the borderlands.58 Encompassing a larger span of time, Paul Hanebrinks In Defense of Christian Hungary, another central work, provides a masterful examination of the persecution and destruction of Jews in modern Hungary as part of a Christian anti-Jewish project.59 But Subcarpathian Rus' and the other borderlands of Greater Hungary appear in the text only sporadically. The massacres were largely uncoordinated, and although the ruthlessness with which the Romanian Army slaughtered the Ukrainian and Romanian Jews won Hitlers approval, they nevertheless earned the disdain of many SS officials, who disparaged the primitive techniques employed by the Romanians, wrote historian Christopher J. Kshyk. antonescu ion romanian squad firing romania execution camp execute roumanie 1946 peloton bucharest holocaust roumain photographie prpare ministre ancien excution intimesgoneby